Every issue, every party, in one place. Each issue is marked State, Federal, Local or Both, so you can see which parliament actually decides it. Positions are summarised from the public record, and each table says when it was checked. More categories are added as each is verified.
Five tables are published so far. Each row is a decision a parliament actually takes, and the tag under the issue name says which parliament takes it — a state member cannot legislate a migration cap, and a federal member cannot rewrite a restraining order Act. Sovereign Australia’s column is drawn from the party’s own published platform and policy pages; every other column is drawn from that party’s own material.
Checked August 2026
| Issue | Sovereign Australia | Labor | Coalition | Greens | One Nation |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Net zero and the targets Federal |
Repeal the legislated target. Measure two published numbers instead: the price of a kilowatt hour, and the share of transport energy arriving by ship | 43 per cent below 2005 by 2030 and net zero by 2050, both legislated | Would legislate to scrap Labor’s targets; net zero retained only as “a welcome outcome if achieved through technology, choice and voluntary markets” (joint policy, November 2025) | Faster reduction than the legislated targets; opposes new coal and gas projects | Opposes net zero and the legislated emissions targets |
| Power prices State + Federal |
A legislated maximum of 10 cents a kilowatt hour for households and small business by the end of a first term; 6 cents industrial at corridor maturity | Energy bill relief payments to households; Rewiring the Nation grid investment; Capacity Investment Scheme | Maintain baseload power, unlock new gas supply, and lift the ban on nuclear energy | Household and business electrification, with grants and low-interest loans for appliances and solar | Cut electricity bills by 20 per cent through changes to National Electricity Market rules so coal-generated power is not artificially priced; all sources in the mix — coal, gas, nuclear, hydro, solar, wind |
| Coal State + Federal |
No legislated closure dates. Coal runs until it is undercut on price, and closes as a market outcome | 82 per cent renewables in the grid by 2030 | Keep coal-fired power longer for grid stability | No new coal or gas; rapid exit | Responsibly develop new coal mines and projects; long-term security to encourage investment in upgrading coal plant |
| Nuclear Federal |
Opposes nuclear power. Also opposes the nuclear-powered submarine component of AUKUS | Opposes; the ban stands | Lift the ban; seven small modular reactors at former coal sites | Opposes nuclear power | Lift the ban. Backs modern nuclear including small modular reactors, and research into cleaner coal and nuclear generation |
| Fuel security Federal |
Drill and prove Australian oil, refine it here, and hold a true 90-day reserve of fuel Australia made | The 2026–27 fuel security package: a government-owned reserve, a higher stockholding obligation, and payments to the two remaining refineries | No separate published position beyond support for domestic refining | No separate position; opposes new oil and gas exploration | Secure supplies with 90-day onshore reserves; halve the fuel excise and end the six-monthly CPI adjustments |
Positions summarised from party platforms, releases, statements and parliamentary votes as at August 2026. “No stated position” and “no detailed policy” mean none found on the public record, not indifference. One Nation’s positions are drawn from speeches and Senate interventions rather than a published platform. Labor’s and the Coalition’s are government and opposition positions respectively and may move. On rows marked State, a party column refers to that party’s state branch or state government, not the federal party. This table states each party’s position, not this party’s characterisation of it.
Checked August 2026
| Issue | Sovereign Australia | Labor | Coalition | Greens | One Nation |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Income tax Federal |
A $50,000 tax-free threshold from day one; a 30 per cent flat rate falling to 20 over a decade | Legislated tax cuts from 2026–27; an instant $1,000 work-expense deduction without receipts | Opposed the legislated 2026–27 cuts and vowed to repeal them | Higher taxes on large corporations and high wealth to fund services | Raise the tax-free threshold, and allow income splitting — joint tax filing for couples with dependent children |
| Corporate and bank tax Federal |
25 per cent corporate tax, and a 50 per cent profit levy on the big four banks | No change to the corporate rate | No change to the corporate rate | A corporate super-profits tax | No change to the corporate rate published; states that multinationals operating in Australia should pay their fair share |
| GST State + Federal |
GST to 12 per cent with essentials exempt, every additional dollar to the states, distributed where the money was spent, and horizontal fiscal equalisation abolished | No change to the rate or base | No change to the rate or base | Opposes raising the GST as regressive | Opposes any increase to the GST and the reintroduction of death duties; a five-year GST exemption on building materials for new homes up to $1 million |
| Resource royalties State + Federal |
One Resource Extraction Levy on the sale value of the ore, at marginal rates stepped by price — replacing eight state regimes, the PRRT and company tax on extraction | PRRT changes legislated in 2023; no replacement of the state royalty regimes | Opposes new resource taxes | Supports a higher tax on fossil fuel and mining profits | Replace the PRRT with a simple royalty on all oil and gas, levied at the point of production on volume rather than profit — put at $10–13 billion a year; plus a joint venture funding 30 per cent of exploration in Commonwealth waters for up to 30 per cent equity, held in a Commonwealth-owned corporation |
| Cost-of-living relief State + Federal |
Relief that operates on the cost rather than the price: competition reform, 10c/kWh power, and destroying the illicit tobacco margin | Energy bill rebates, cheaper medicines, fee-free TAFE, and a three-month fuel excise cut of 26.3 cents a litre in 2026 | Supported the fuel excise cut; opposes the carbon and energy costs it attributes to Labor | Household electrification, dental into Medicare, rent caps | Halve the fuel excise, cut electricity bills by 20 per cent, reduce freight costs, and lift Medicare rebates |
Positions summarised from party platforms, releases, statements and parliamentary votes as at August 2026. “No stated position found” means none found on the public record, not indifference. One Nation’s positions are drawn from speeches and Senate interventions rather than a published platform. Labor’s and the Coalition’s are government and opposition positions respectively and may move. On rows marked State, a party column refers to that party’s state branch or state government, not the federal party. This table states each party’s position, not this party’s characterisation of it.
Checked August 2026
| Issue | Sovereign Australia | Labor | Coalition | Greens | One Nation |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Supply State + Federal |
Three new rungs below the house: rural Community Towns, fixed-term conversion of empty commercial buildings, and corridor towns | National Housing Accord target of 1.2 million homes by 2029; $10bn Housing Australia Future Fund for 30,000 social and affordable homes | Opposes Labor’s scheme design; supports freeing up land supply and planning approvals | Government as developer, building public homes directly | A five-year GST exemption on building materials; review of government charges it puts at 44–45 per cent of the cost of a new home; remove mandatory disability compliance requirements on new builds |
| Tax settings Federal |
A tax system rebuilt around productive investment rather than housing speculation | Changes to negative gearing and capital gains tax settings in the 2026 Budget | Signalled opposition to the 2026 changes | Supportive of the direction; has sought phase-outs of negative gearing and the capital gains discount | Retain negative gearing on up to two investment properties for everyone; opposes the Government’s capital gains tax changes |
| First home buyers Federal |
No deposit-side subsidy: the party’s position is that demand-side help raises the price | Help to Buy shared equity, and a 5 per cent deposit scheme | Supports access to superannuation for a deposit | Opposes demand-side subsidies; favours public building and renter protections | No deposit-side scheme published. Ban home ownership by non-citizens, and cut migration to reduce demand |
| Renters State |
Approvals on a statutory clock with deemed approval, granny flats as of right, and land release tied to transport | Renters’ rights through National Cabinet agreements with the states | Opposes rent caps | Rent caps and a freeze | Allow home owners to rent rooms in their primary residence tax free, and remove restrictions on renting granny flats to tenants other than family |
Positions summarised from party platforms, releases, statements and parliamentary votes as at August 2026. “No stated position found” means none found on the public record, not indifference. One Nation’s positions are drawn from speeches and Senate interventions rather than a published platform. Labor’s and the Coalition’s are government and opposition positions respectively and may move. On rows marked State, a party column refers to that party’s state branch or state government, not the federal party. This table states each party’s position, not this party’s characterisation of it.
Checked August 2026
| Issue | Sovereign Australia | Labor | Coalition | Greens | One Nation |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Net overseas migration Federal |
Migration matched to housing and infrastructure capacity, with the temporary system — where the growth actually occurs — brought into the published target | 306,000 in 2024–25, down from the record 538,000 in 2022–23; no legislated cap | Cut net overseas migration by 100,000 (2025 election policy) | Opposes numerical caps; supports permanent protection pathways | Cap visas at 130,000 a year — a cut of more than 570,000 on current levels |
| Permanent program Federal |
The cap is not the lever: about 129,590 of the 185,000 places go to people already onshore, so capping it does not reduce the population | 185,000 places this year | Cut the permanent program by 25 per cent, to 140,000 (2025 election policy) | No reduction; expanded humanitarian intake | Covered by the 130,000-visa cap |
| Temporary visas Federal |
2.97 million people are on temporary visas and bridging-visa holders appear in no published migration target — the party publishes the whole number | Student and graduate settings tightened progressively | Tighter student caps | Opposes tightening that leaves people in limbo | Covered by the 130,000-visa cap |
Positions summarised from party platforms, releases, statements and parliamentary votes as at August 2026. “No stated position” and “no detailed policy” mean none found on the public record, not indifference. One Nation’s positions are drawn from speeches and Senate interventions rather than a published platform. Labor’s and the Coalition’s are government and opposition positions respectively and may move. On rows marked State, a party column refers to that party’s state branch or state government, not the federal party. This table states each party’s position, not this party’s characterisation of it. Coalition figures are its 2025 election policy, the most recent published detail.
Checked August 2026
| Issue | Sovereign Australia | Labor | Coalition | Greens | One Nation |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Recognition and border Federal |
Recognised; border on the 1967 Green Line | Recognised at the UN, September 2025, with conditions | Opposes; calls for reversal; only after a negotiated process | Supports recognition; abandoned the two-state framing in 2023 | Opposes; none until Israel’s security is guaranteed |
| Gaza Federal |
Accepts the UN Commission finding of genocide; Israel to answer at the ICJ | Condemns conduct; does not itself attribute genocide | Rejects the characterisation; supports removal of Hamas | Calls it genocide; demands sanctions | Denies genocide; supports the campaign |
| Settlements and annexation Federal |
Unlawful; no recognition beyond the Green Line; Israel to prosecute settler crimes; targeted sanctions until it does; settlement-goods labelling | Settlements illegal; sanctions on some settlers | Two states by negotiation; opposes unilateral measures | Sanctions; end settlement trade | No detailed policy |
| Arms and components Federal |
Suspend everything — weapons, parts, sub-components, explosives, dual-use; publish the register; end-use test in law | States it exports no weapons; remains in the F-35 chain | Maintain defence ties | Full two-way arms embargo | No stated position |
| Foreign influence at home State + Federal |
Royal Commission into foreign influence, including Israel-aligned lobbying; close the FITS charity and domestic-funding gaps; full transparency of sponsored travel and donations | Administers the FITS; 2025 donation caps and $5,000 disclosure threshold; no measure on Israel-aligned lobbying | Joined Labor to pass the 2025 donation caps; no measure on Israel-aligned lobbying | Opposed the 2025 caps deal as favouring the major parties; wants corporate donations banned | No stated position |
Positions summarised from party platforms, releases, statements and parliamentary votes as at August 2026. “No stated position” and “no detailed policy” mean none found on the public record, not indifference. One Nation’s positions are drawn from speeches and Senate interventions rather than a published platform. Labor’s and the Coalition’s are government and opposition positions respectively and may move. On rows marked State, a party column refers to that party’s state branch or state government, not the federal party. This table states each party’s position, not this party’s characterisation of it. The full eight-issue version of this table, with the state governments compared separately, is in Memo 11.
Categories are published as each one is verified row by row. Still to be checked and added: health and Medicare, mental health, family, education, children online and social media, media and free speech, defence and AUKUS, gambling, First Australians, farming and water, small business, tobacco and vapes, cannabis, AI, environment, and transparency and royal commissions.
Sovereign Australia’s position on each of those is already published on its own policy page and in the platform — the work is verifying what every other party has said, one row at a time. Where a party has said nothing on the public record, this page says so. A cell is never filled from memory.